@zara_chowdhury83: ফাইনালি..!🥲🤌@~𝑆𝑟𝑎𝑏𝑜𝑛𝑦:))✨🌷 #fyp #foryou #foreyoupage #virl

𝒁ᥫ᭡𝑹ꫝ:)🎀🥂

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Region: BD

Tuesday 24 March 2026 05:18:00 GMT

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꧁༺ অভিমানী༻꧂ :

তাও আবার সেটা আমারই 🥰

2026-03-24 12:30:37

33

ᥫ᭡𐙚─୨Farjana𐙚⋆°🦢｡⋆♡ᥫ᭡ :

আর আমারা কপাল পোড়া একটার ও বিয়ে হচ্ছে না 🙂

2026-03-25 05:40:51

24

Ovisoptto jibon..😅😅 :

হয়ে গেছে ফাইনালি

2026-03-24 12:07:37

4

Nabila😊😊 :

সেটা আর কারো না 😫সেটা হলো আমার 😂😂

2026-03-25 10:25:35

3

🦋 『심라』 🦋 :

yes🥰

2026-03-24 08:36:40

7

Md, Ana mol 🇦🇷🇦🇷 :

তাও সেটা আমার 🙂

2026-03-25 06:56:38

7

মায়াবী 🥰রাজকন্যা ❤️‍🩹❤️‍🩹 :

সেটা আর কেউ না আমিই 🥰🥰

2026-03-26 08:42:05

3

❀ 𝑻ꫝнu ❀ :

তাও আবার আমার 😫😫

2026-03-25 01:48:53

5

🎀—͞ Jꫝnnat ᥫ᭡፝֟፝֟..🎀 :

Favourite দিয়া রাখছি ভাইয়ার বিয়ের সময় up দিমু..🥲🙌

2026-03-28 02:02:35

2

@Daisy Disty 29👻 :

Aiita kono kotha first a vabsi sad kisu oma akhon dekhi biye 😁😁

2026-05-05 06:37:07

2

💋🪐⎯͢⎯⃝ᴊꫝᴋɪʏꫝ^᪲᪲⁷ᥫ᭡"🕊️💗 :

samner week e amar biye🙂

2026-05-15 11:23:34

2

🖤RS রহস্যময়ী🖤 :

amr vaiyer

2026-05-10 11:27:52

1

🌷 মায়াবী মন ✨ :

আমার কাকাতো ভাইয়ের বিয়ে

2026-03-26 04:53:16

3

জাতীর ভন্ড, 😍😍😍😍 :

ঠিক আমার বোনের বিয়ে 😄😄

2026-03-25 16:22:08

3

পুস্পা রাজ 🥹🫶 :

গতো কালকে গেছে

2026-03-26 02:20:59

1

🎀Rimthe🎀 :

Family'r মধ্যে একটা বিয়ে হবে সেটাও আমার বিয়ে 😞💔

2026-04-02 12:12:39

1

🦋অঁভিঁমাঁনীঁ মেঁয়েঁ🦋 :

তাই নাকি,,,, দাওয়াত দিলেন না তো

2026-03-25 12:24:12

1

🌿 Sk Tonmoy 🌿 :

তাই নাকি তুমি আমাকে কবে বিয়ে করবে বলনা 😫🤌

2026-03-26 14:08:11

1

🦋°~`দুঃখ বিলাস~`°🦋 :

এমন বলতে গেলে সে দিন আমার বিয়ে হবে🤣😩

2026-03-25 05:22:15

1

Account Not Found :

হুম আমার 😁

2026-03-27 06:43:44

0

afridir_wife 🤍🕊️ :

হুম 🙂👍

2026-03-25 07:03:13

0

l.m Muslim .. 🖤🖤🖤 :

হুম 😁

2026-03-25 06:28:20

0

Rakib,,s wife 👍 :

amar

2026-04-27 06:49:46

0

⚡Saju 💥 :

হুম

2026-03-25 03:44:15

0

🍒@Pink_ Tulip_🌷🍒 :

একটা চল্লিশা খেতে যাচ্ছি😁

2026-03-25 08:24:19

0

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Min Aung Hlaing’s recent visits to India and China were portrayed by the Burmese military regime as diplomatic successes. During these trips to New Delhi and Beijing, the military leader discussed trade, infrastructure, border security, and regional connectivity. Agreements were signed, investments were invited, and commitments were made to continue strategic projects. However, beneath the surface images of state visits and diplomatic ceremonies lies a more complex reality. This is a quest for international legitimacy through these visits at a time when the Arakan Army (AA) and the United United League of Arakan (ULA) are emerging as the politically and militarily dominant force, and the military’s territorial control in Rakhine State is gradually shrinking. Therefore, the significance of these visits extends far beyond diplomacy. It shows how Rakhine State has become the center of regional rivalry between China and India, while simultaneously exposing the limitations of any strategy that considers Naypyidaw as the sole force capable of shaping the future of major development projects. The Rising Strategic Importance of Rakhine State For both China and India, Burma has become more than just a neighboring country; it has become a strategic corridor to access the Indian Ocean. China’s interest centers on the China-Burma Economic Corridor (CMEC), a key component of the

Min Aung Hlaing’s recent visits to India and China were portrayed by the Burmese military regime as diplomatic successes. During these trips to New Delhi and Beijing, the military leader discussed trade, infrastructure, border security, and regional connectivity. Agreements were signed, investments were invited, and commitments were made to continue strategic projects. However, beneath the surface images of state visits and diplomatic ceremonies lies a more complex reality. This is a quest for international legitimacy through these visits at a time when the Arakan Army (AA) and the United United League of Arakan (ULA) are emerging as the politically and militarily dominant force, and the military’s territorial control in Rakhine State is gradually shrinking. Therefore, the significance of these visits extends far beyond diplomacy. It shows how Rakhine State has become the center of regional rivalry between China and India, while simultaneously exposing the limitations of any strategy that considers Naypyidaw as the sole force capable of shaping the future of major development projects. The Rising Strategic Importance of Rakhine State For both China and India, Burma has become more than just a neighboring country; it has become a strategic corridor to access the Indian Ocean. China’s interest centers on the China-Burma Economic Corridor (CMEC), a key component of the "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI). This corridor connects Yunnan Province to Mandalay, and from there to Kyaukphyu on the Rakhine coast. Its core essence is the Kyaukphyu Deep Sea Port and Special Economic Zone, which will provide Beijing with a direct outlet to the Bay of Bengal and reduce its dependence on the Malacca Strait for trade and energy imports. India’s strategic interests are similarly evident. Through the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, New Delhi is seeking to connect its northeastern states to the sea via Sittwe and Paletwa, which will boost trade and reduce its reliance on the narrow Siliguri Corridor. Both of these projects have pushed Rakhine State into the center of a broader geopolitical arena. Political analyst Dr. Sai Kyi Zin Soe recently told DMG that Burma has become a strategically interesting country for both giants because they view access to the Indian Ocean as essential for their economic and security goals. That rivalry is only set to intensify rather than diminish. The Clash Between Diplomacy and Ground Reality The challenge facing China and India is clear: many of their most important projects are currently located in territories that the military can no longer practically control. While the regime still manages to hold Sittwe, Kyaukphyu, Manaung, and certain military bases, the broader political landscape has shifted significantly. In many parts of Rakhine State, the ULA/AA is already managing local administration, taxation, policing, judiciary, and public services. A local observer monitoring Chinese projects pointed out that while the regime can promise to implement Belt and Road projects, many of these projects are conflict-affected and directly linked to territories where the AA's influence is growing. "It is impossible to move forward with these projects without some form of discussion and negotiation with the AA," the observer said. That assessment reflects the broader regional reality. Neither Beijing nor New Delhi can ignore the emerging political authority on the ground in Rakhine. While the regime can continue to sign agreements, actual implementation increasingly depends on forces outside Naypyidaw's control.

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