@terrytess46:

Terry Tess
Terry Tess
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Region: KE
Monday 09 November 2026 13:57:27 GMT
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angelinakayoli
Angela :
the real songs enzi zile.
2026-11-10 18:11:39
2
johnsonl246
johnsonol :
Amen.... Music you can believe in
2026-11-10 11:55:51
1
alicemuhoho558
Alice Muhoho :
Unanifurahisha sana kutuletea hizi nyimbo.keep up good job
2026-11-09 22:25:01
1
pst.kasina
Pastor Daniel Kasina :
Nice song
2026-11-10 04:08:52
1
mvuli_lenz
mvuli_lenz :
thanks
2026-11-09 16:19:33
1
jbchege
The ChairMan :
Wimbo niupendao🥰
2026-11-10 18:06:18
0
raphael34532
Raphael :
✝️✝️✝️✝️✝️✝️amina[Pray][Pray][Pray][Pray][Pray][Pray][Pray][Pray][Pray][Pray]umenibariki nawe pia[Pray]ubarikiwe[Pray][Pray][Pray]
2026-11-09 18:04:36
1
teti.juliana
patuh Juliana :
akh huu wimbo nitau type kesho
2026-11-09 19:23:13
1
ancestormakmende7
mama taifa :
🙏🙏
2026-11-09 21:40:06
1
mkalumalucas
mkalumalucas :
🥰🥰🥰
2026-11-10 05:54:02
1
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Other Videos

The interview room in Tripoli on March 23, 1976, was a study in controlled defiance as Muammar Gaddafi sat before British journalist Gerald Seymour, just three months after the OPEC hostage crisis had shocked the world.  The Libyan leader, dressed in his characteristic military uniform, faced questions that cut to the heart of Western accusations against him: had he known about the Vienna raid in advance, and had he offered safe haven to the terrorist known as Carlos the Jackal?  Gaddafi's responses were swift and categorical.  He had not been informed about the attack, he stated flatly, denying any prior knowledge of the operation that had seen oil ministers taken hostage and a Austrian city thrown into chaos.  On Carlos, he was equally direct: he had not allowed the Venezuelan-born militant to come to Libya, rejecting the accusation that he had provided a sanctuary for the world's most wanted man. Yet the interview was more than a simple denial of wrongdoing.  Gaddafi used the platform to articulate a distinction that would define his foreign policy for decades: the difference between terrorism and the legitimate struggle for freedom.  He condemned terrorism unequivocally, but he argued passionately that armed resistance against colonialism, occupation, and apartheid could not be branded as such.  This was not mere semantics; it was the ideological foundation of Libya's role as a patron of liberation movements across Africa and the Arab world.  By 1976, Gaddafi was actively funding and arming groups fighting white minority rule, the MPLA in Angola, SWAPO in Namibia, the ANC and PAC in South Africa, and his support was concrete, from cash to weapons to training camps. In his eyes, these were not terrorists but freedom fighters, and Libya was their rear base. The context of the interview was crucial. Gaddafi saw himself as the heir to Nasser's pan-Arabism, a champion of the Palestinian cause, and a vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle.  Libya was a major financial backer of Palestinian resistance factions, contributing millions quarterly, and Gaddafi's diplomatic weight had helped persuade dozens of African nations to sever ties with Israel.  In the Arab and African world, he was not the
The interview room in Tripoli on March 23, 1976, was a study in controlled defiance as Muammar Gaddafi sat before British journalist Gerald Seymour, just three months after the OPEC hostage crisis had shocked the world. The Libyan leader, dressed in his characteristic military uniform, faced questions that cut to the heart of Western accusations against him: had he known about the Vienna raid in advance, and had he offered safe haven to the terrorist known as Carlos the Jackal? Gaddafi's responses were swift and categorical. He had not been informed about the attack, he stated flatly, denying any prior knowledge of the operation that had seen oil ministers taken hostage and a Austrian city thrown into chaos. On Carlos, he was equally direct: he had not allowed the Venezuelan-born militant to come to Libya, rejecting the accusation that he had provided a sanctuary for the world's most wanted man. Yet the interview was more than a simple denial of wrongdoing. Gaddafi used the platform to articulate a distinction that would define his foreign policy for decades: the difference between terrorism and the legitimate struggle for freedom. He condemned terrorism unequivocally, but he argued passionately that armed resistance against colonialism, occupation, and apartheid could not be branded as such. This was not mere semantics; it was the ideological foundation of Libya's role as a patron of liberation movements across Africa and the Arab world. By 1976, Gaddafi was actively funding and arming groups fighting white minority rule, the MPLA in Angola, SWAPO in Namibia, the ANC and PAC in South Africa, and his support was concrete, from cash to weapons to training camps. In his eyes, these were not terrorists but freedom fighters, and Libya was their rear base. The context of the interview was crucial. Gaddafi saw himself as the heir to Nasser's pan-Arabism, a champion of the Palestinian cause, and a vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle. Libya was a major financial backer of Palestinian resistance factions, contributing millions quarterly, and Gaddafi's diplomatic weight had helped persuade dozens of African nations to sever ties with Israel. In the Arab and African world, he was not the "notorious" figure portrayed in Western headlines but a celebrated ally, a leader who had put his oil wealth behind the fight against colonialism. The Seymour interview was therefore a delicate balancing act: Gaddafi needed to maintain his public persona as a leader who opposed terrorism while simultaneously continuing his covert support for revolutionary movements that the West labeled as terrorist. The interview captured a defining contradiction that would haunt Gaddafi's legacy. He publicly denied any link to Carlos and the OPEC raid, yet the operation's getaway plane had flown to Tripoli, and the Saudi oil minister held hostage later stated that Carlos claimed he had received his instructions in Libya. Decades later, Carlos himself would state from his French prison cell that Gaddafi, not Saddam Hussein, had ordered the attack. For Gaddafi, the denial in the Seymour interview was a necessary piece of diplomatic theater. It allowed him to maintain the public persona of a leader who supported only "legal" struggles for freedom, even as he was accused of using proxies like Carlos to strike at the heart of the global oil establishment. The interview was a snapshot of a leader skillfully navigating the line between his public anti-terrorism stance and his covert, often controversial, methods of waging revolutionary struggle on the world stage. #libya🇱🇾 #Libya #Gaddafi #OPEC #Vienna

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